Elicka
Peterson Sparks, in her book The Devil
You Know, draws links between conservative Christianity and crime. As a
criminologist, she knows what she is talking about. The first link was that
violence is part of Who God is, according to a long, long list of Bible
passages. A Bible-based society, therefore, is one in which violence is one of
the possible options in social interactions. The second is that fundamentalists
like to pretend that the Bible demands harsh punishment, usually death, for a
long list of perceived offenses, something that results in high incarceration
rates and higher crime rates. The third is that the Bible calls for the
oppression of women, which facilitates criminal violence toward women.
All
of Sparks’s claims rest upon one assumption: that Christian fundamentalists
have a significant effect on the way our nation and government operate. The
news, every day, gives evidence of this. But Sparks refers specifically to
Christian nationalism, the Christians who believe that the United States is
God’s special nation today. But is this view reflected in the general opinion
of Americans today?
Apparently,
the answer is, yes. A generalized poll asked people from several countries if
they thought their culture was superior to others. Forty-nine (49) percent of
Americans agreed, much higher than the 27 percent of French who thought French
culture to be superior to others. We believe in our national superiority more
than any other country does about theirs.
Christian
nationalists also believe that, without God—indeed without their particular
version of God—you cannot have morality. The poll results including the
following, in agreement with the claim that you have to be religious to be
moral:
United States: 49 percent
Germany: 47 percent
U.K.: 33 percent
Spain: 19 percent
France: 15 percent
Is
this correlation or causation? If causation, then it means that Americans think
themselves superior to others, and think that religion is necessary for
morality, and that these patterns are caused
by our overwhelming percentage of Christian citizens. While we cannot know if
it is causation, it is very clear that Christian fundamentalists are trying
their best to make it causation.
The
fact that the Bible Belt states have high levels of crime and poverty may also
be an example of correlation without causation. It would be difficult to prove
that fundamentalist Christianity makes such states as Oklahoma, where I live,
so poor and crime-ridden. Is it possible, instead, that people in depressed
southern states turn to religion as a solace for their problems? But one thing
is clear: fundamentalism has not made these states richer or better places to
live.
And
within America, it is the most religious presidents, based on church attendance
and professed belief, that have been the most socially immoral. Sparks
identifies Nixon, Johnson, and George W. Bush as very religious. All three of
them used false information to justify American military action. An exception
is Jimmy Carter, who is very devout. As commentators have pointed out, he is
200 years old and still building houses for poor people. But Carter is the one
president that Christian fundamentalists hate the most.
This
is nothing new. Andrew Jackson read his Bible daily, attended church, but as
any Native American can tell you, he was an evil man. He defied the
Constitution to drive away natives from their homelands. His religious views
made him very happy to be a slaveholder, unlike the agonized Jefferson who
wished he could free his slaves.
Sparks
could not have guessed how bad it would get. Christian fundamentalists
virtually worship Donald Trump, who put a painting of Andrew Jackson up in the
Oval Office.
Sparks
presented numerous specific hypotheses regarding the Christianity-crime
connection. I was expecting her to present figures and tables to test those
hypotheses. She presented numerous references, but I would like to have seen
numbers to back up the hypotheses.
Sparks
concludes that there is no point in arguing with fundamentalists. They believe
that the process of reasoning is ungodly. And, especially in the Trump era,
their power is increasing. They are polarizing themselves from all the rest of
us deliberately and strongly. They present themselves as being a persecuted
minority. They are doing this specifically to destroy any possibility of
dialog: you cannot reason with or show compassion to your persecutor. This
means, I believe, that under the right circumstances fundamentalists will burst
forth in violence.
I
hope Elicka Peterson Sparks and I are wrong, but fear that we are not.